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This
may be a coincidence but it is an indication that the road ahead for the prime minister is
anything but smooth. Koirala successfully managed to remove his rival K. P. Bhattarai,
from office last month. Prime Minister Bhattarai resigned from his post on March 16-- a
day before a crucial vote on the no-trust motion against him registered by 69 out of 113
ruling party legislators. The dissident Congress MPs accused the Bhattarai government of
doing nothing and lack of seriousness to deal with mounting challenges before the country
and government.
Even
before his unceremonious removal, Bhattarai backed a younger generation leader, former
Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba, against his main political rival. Though Koirala
defeated Deuba by 26 votes within the ruling parliamentary party (on March 18), it is more
than obvious that he will have to face a strong rival faction from within his party. This
was the first time that the oldest party in the country had resorted to polls to elect its
parliamentary party leader.
Only
ten months ago, then Prime Minister Koirala had proposed the name of Bhattarai as the
country's next Prime Minister. Koirala's proposal was never discussed at the Congress
Central Working Committee, nor did anybody in the Congress Parliamentary Party ever
question it.
Earlier
known as a staunch anti-Communist, Koirala joined hands with the Unified Marxist-Leninist
party, to conduct general elections in May last year. Koirala's Nepali Congress bagged
clear majority in the 205-member House of Representatives whereas UML secured second
position winning 69 seats.
Koirala
stood by his word supporting Bhattarai to get elected in the NC Parliamentary Party
thereby clearing the way for his appointment as the country's eighth prime minister since
the restoration of democracy in 1990. As Bhattarai tried to sideline him and promoting his
rival camps by exercising his executive power, Koirala decided to call it a day. After two
previously failed attempts, Koirala acted decisively to remove Bhattarai and his
ten-month-old government in his third attempt.
"Good
governance, controlling corruption and maintaining law and order will be my top
priorities," Koirala told the House of Representatives
(on March 23). It is easier
said than done. In order to streamline the bureaucracy and make it effective, the
government has already initiated action to downsize it. To check corruption, the
government will amend existing laws making it mandatory for public servants including
ministers and members of parliament to submit the report of their property on a regular
basis. "A law will be introduced to confiscate property of the public servants that
doesn't conform to their sources of income," declared Koirala.
But,
the biggest challenge to Koirala comes from the Maoist insurgency that has already claimed
lives of more than 1200 people over the last four years.
A
small ultra-left outfit, the CPN (Maoist) launched what they called "people's
war" in February 1996 with the declared objective of making Nepal a Communist
republic. Initially, a couple of remote districts in mid-western hills were known as their
flashpoints. Now, the party is said to have expanded its activities in nearly half of the
75 districts in the country. Both the government and ruling party view Maoist violent
activities as a form of terrorism. They even see it as a design to destabilize the new
democratic order. The new government seems to be taking a tough stand to force the rebels
to a negotiation table.
"Those
who want to resolve the problem through dialogue must give up violence and killing before
sitting on the table of negotiation," said Prime Minister Koirala. Rebels, on their
part, have demanded that the government create a favorable environment for dialogue. They
have said the government should fulfill "minimum
conditions." This includes making public the whereabouts of its supporters and
activists, who have allegedly disappeared from police custody, and compensate families of
victims who died during the rebellion.
Reports
say that in the wake of the latest developments in India, Maoist rebels would like to find
a temporary `seize fire' in Nepal. The Indian government has recently started cracking
down against different Maoist outfits and has alleged that Maoist activities in Nepal are
funded by ISI, the Pakistani intelligence agency. Pakistan vehemently denies such
allegations.
The
Bhattarai government formed a committee headed by former Prime Minister Deuba to recommend
ways to resolve the Maoist problem in consultation with different political parties, human
rights activists and academics. The high-level committee even went beyond its mandate and
called the rebels to the table of negotiation. In a good will gesture, the government
released some senior Maoist leaders and sympathizers from behind the bars, which was
reciprocated by the rebels by releasing a few policemen they had captured.
But
with Koirala coming to power, Deuba committee has turned virtually immobile. Rebels, too,
have adopted a tough posture to show that they are not in a weak position. "There is
a crisis of confidence between the government and rebels. As the dialogue is a two-way
process, the initiative should come from the government," said Prof. Kapil Shrestha,
President of Human Rights Organization of Nepal (HURON). " In order to create an
environment of confidence, the government should give up its `dualistic' attitude like
equipping police with ultra-modern arms and pushing draconian laws in the parliament. The
government should change its attitude before sitting on the table of dialogue. Once the
dialogue starts, it will generate its own momentum," he added.
The
problems on the foreign policy front are equally challenging. Besides trying to find out
an amicable solution to the decade-old Bhutanese refugee problem, normalizing relations
with India has become an urgent task for the new government. Perhaps with this in mind,
Koirala inducted his close confidante and former Royal Nepalese ambassador to India and
Bhutan, Chakra P. Bastola, as the Foreign Minister. Bastola is said to enjoy personal
rapport with some top Indian leaders including Defense Minister George Fernandes.
As
soon as the new government was formed, India sent a high-level delegation to discuss the
issue of resuming Indian Airlines flight that remained suspended after the hijacking of IC
814 aircraft that left Kathmandu for New Delhi on December 24 last year by Islamic
militants. The act, which has been considered by the country's travel trade sector, as
tantamount to an "economic embargo" has resulted in the loss of a big revenue
for the country, tourism being the highest foreign exchange earner. Indian side has
reportedly asked for permission from Nepali authorities to station their security
personnel at the Tribhuvan International Airport, the country's only international
airport.
Though
Nepal government is wary about possible backlash it may have to face in the wake of any
such arrangement, analysts say that Nepal might consider taking some measures to win back
the faith of its big southern neighbor. "Nepal should attach top priority to
normalize relations with her southern neighbor," said Prof. Lok Raj Baral, former
Royal Nepalese ambassador to India. "For this, both formal and informal channels
should be employed."
Foreign
Minister Chakra P. Bastola agreed that relations with India have cooled off in the
aftermath of hijacking of the Indian Airlines plane. "There is a need for little bit
of warming in the bilateral relations," he told the Spotlight magazine in a recent
interview.
On
the domestic front, people's aspirations have gone high especially after the restoration
of democracy in 1990. But successive governments in the past have failed to meet those
expectations. The economy is yet to recover from the phase of economic slow down and the
bureaucracy neither has zeal nor motivation to execute decisions taken at the political
level.
Not
only the constitutional monarch, donors, too, have been emphasizing on good governance and
controlling corruption as prioritized now by Koirala. They have made it clear that Nepal
may not be able to pull nearly 50 percent of 23 million population out of the absolute
line of poverty through existing pace of development work. "Nepal needs to grow well
above its current 2-3 percent per annum if growth is to have any impact upon poverty
reduction," said Hans Rothenbuhler, country director of the World Bank in Kathmandu.
"Growth will only come from investment- most of which will have to come from the
private sector," he said in an interview with the Spotlight magazine recently.
Officials
do agree. "Nepal must break the low level equilibrium in economy in order to reduce
poverty and generate employment opportunities," Finance Minister Mahesh Acharya told
reporters upon assuming his office. "We need private sector investment, both domestic
and foreign, to reduce the gap between savings and investment," he added. The ratio
of savings to Gross Domestic Product (GDP) is around 11 percent whereas that of investment
to GDP is nearly 17 percent, he said.
Unfortunately,
foreign direct investment into the country has declined over the years. It came down by
nearly half to US$9.0 million in 1998 compared to previous year. Analysts primarily blame
political instability and lack of consistency in government policies over the last few
years for this. After the general elections in 1994, Nepal saw five different governments,
some of them lasting for barely five months. Political interference in day-to-day
administration, corruption and frequent transfers of chiefs of development projects had
become a rule rather than exception during the period.
"Political
instability and economic concerns have delayed much-needed structural reforms in recent
years. Immediate attention should be given to improving governance and reducing corruption
in order to establish credibility in public and private institutions, which is essential
to increase confidence among investors," according to a document called the Country
Operational Strategy prepared by the Asian Development Bank for Nepal last year.
"Frequent changes in Government have often been followed by a high turnover of
professional staff in the civil service. The turnover has adversely affected civil service
morale and distracted attention from the important policy and institutional reforms needed
to secure and sustain accelerated growth and economic stability," the document said.
This
was not the case during the first tenure of Nepali Congress government (1991-94) led by
Koirala himself. The Koirala government not only followed the policy of economic
liberalization by opening up the economy, it even took harsh measures to streamline
bureaucracy. Economy grew by around 5 percent
per annum creating jobs and raising level of income for the masses. With the fall of
Koirala government in 1994 due to internal wrangling within the ruling party, the country
was pushed toward the era of political instability and economic stagnation.
This
time around, keeping his house in order and delivering the goods are some of the immediate
challenges for Koirala. "The life of the Koirala government rests on whether he can
gain performance legitimacy by delivering the goods," said Krishna
Hachhethu, a
political scientist with the Tribhuvan University. Given Koirala's commitment and stakes
involved at the fag-end of his political career, even the harshest critic of this lanky
politician would like to keep their fingers crossed, at least for sometime to come.
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